Ira Gladkova
02/09/2006
HIST 276

A Brief Survey of Religous Issues in the New York Times
Comparing Articles from the First Spring and Winter

David Kennedy's Over Here provides an excellent overview of many aspcts of American social life shortly before and during the fervent times after the nations entry into WWI. However, the discourse on religious life during this time is not extensive, and in an effort to understand this important aspect of early twentieth century American life during wartime, I searched the relevant New York Times archives for articles related to the religious life, looking especially to compare articles from the spring and early summer months of 1917 to articles from the following winter. This technique could serve in order to briefly survey the spectrum of (allowed and encouraged) religious rhetoric, as reported in the popular press, over the first year or so since entry into the war became certain. Among the interesting finds of special interest, and discussed here, are several articles on Jews, patriotic non-violent resolutions by Quakers, a report on the life and duties of army Chaplains, and many missives regarding patriotic goings-on in the various Christian denominations.

The first article analyzed dates April 8, 1917, and reports, "Passover Sermons Preach Patriotism," and describes the patriotic sermons and pledges of loyalty that took place during Passover in the Jewish community. The focus of the article is Rev. Dr. H. P. Mendes, the rabbi of the congregation of Shearith Israel, reported to be the oldest in America, established in 1655. The majority of the article quotes him in various patriotic pronouncements, including a reminder of how the congregation "responded to the 'patriots call in 1776''" to fight in the War of Independence. "Eveything for America," Dr. Mendes is quoted as saying, and later he proclaims, "Whatever differences of opinion may have existed before the decision [to go to war] was made, they exist no longer. We are today one people." Even though his takes place before the majority of the propaganda of the early months after America's entrance into war, it is worth noting how similar this early message is to the official slogans that were to come later. Earlier in the article, 

"Dr. Mendes called upon all the young men of the congregation to give their services and their lives for the honor of the country, and asked that all the men and all the women give their thoughts, their co-operation, energies, and fortunes and all the power werewith they are invested, for the glory and honor of the nation, and for the promotion of eternal righteousness and the truth."

This passage is of particular interest in two ways. First, it is worth noting the attention paid to the mobilization of not just the bodies of the congregation ut also their "thoughts" and "energies." While the attention paid to the mental and spiritual life might be easy to dismiss in the context of a religious congregation, it must be placed in the context of the time, on the brink of a campaign of mass menta mobilization of the American people.It is also interesting to note that this passage does not quote Dr. Mendes, though the majority of the rest of the article quotes him heavily. It might therefore be worth considering how much of that passage's wording was inspired by Dr. Mendes words, and how much imposed by wartime rhetoric.

Another article, dated May 23, 1917, provides and interesting contrast to the both the earlier article and the later restriction of uttered opinion: it pleads for no "hymns of hate" against Germans. "Let there be no hatred of the German people...no hymns of hate. We pray not against enemies, but for the coming of peace," the NY Times quotes Bishop Edwin S. Lines speaking to the annual meeting of the Episcopal Diocese of Newark. This is particularly interesting whe compared to the following passage from Kennedy's treatment of the period:

At Brooklyn's Plymouth Congregational Church, the Reverend Newell Dwight Hillis offered Christian forgiveness to the German people "just as soon as they are all short. If you would give me happiness," he intoned from his pulpit, "just give me the sight of the Kaiser, vonTirpitz, and von Hindenburg hanging by a rope."

Kennedy reports the above as being quoted from the NY Times, March 26, 1917. While Re. Dwights sentiment woulf probably have been very much encouraged during the most propaganda-soaked period of the war, Bishop Lines' gentle message would most likely have been taken as treeason, and so it is interesting to see it reported, even over a month since the declaration of war.

Also relevant is this quote from the Bishop: "This church ought to help make a preparedness of spirit, of courage, and faith and hope, which shall do much to carry the country through this critical time." This is again yet another manifestation of mental mobilization. Finally, of passing interest in a prediction of "a heated debate tomorrow when the proposal to permit women to vote at church elections comes up."

Continuing the survey of denominations and opinions are two interesting articles about the Quakers, the first dated May 29, the second, May 30. The first article discusses the exemption from the draft requested by the Quakers, who may not participate in violent pursuits. Some noise was made about the Quakers "depriv[ing themselves] of their much-cherished privelege of suffering for their convictions," and they also considered denying memebership to men of draft age. The resoltuon passes without the latter clause, as they discover that the exemption would only apply to men of draft age anyway. The Quakers also take pains to point out the they pledge to aid the war effort, but the dislosure of their methods must wait until the next day's aticle, where it is announced that while the Friends will not "take up arms or make ammunition or participate in any way in the destructive aspects of warfare," they would send a unit of 500 to follow in the wake of the retreating front and participate in rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts. They proclaim, "We, who are called pacifists, are often taunted with having no patriotism, no fighting blood in us. Let us show the world what patriotism is by striving night and day, through suffering and persecution of need be, but ever cheerfully, as all good fighters must." In considering this declaration, the power of the labels "pacificst" and "patriot" at the time must be considered.

The Quaker approach proveds a very interesting solution to the moral dilemma presented to many Americans at the time, although it was not accessible to many of them as they could not obtain exemptions. Nevertheless, the Quakers propose an interesting compromise. Also of note is the implied optimism about the direct result of American entrance into the war (that the front would retreat out of France) and that the Quakers pointed out that they were exempt from the draft only: "'I dont want the impression to go forth,' declared L. Hollingsworth Wood, Secretary of the meeting, 'that we are scott free. We may be called upon to make munition or tote shells, to which we would of course raise a conscientious objection.'" They have, then, not deprived themselves of all opportunity to suffer for their convictions, easing the fears reported in the previous article.

On Jun 17, the NY Times devoted a large amount of space -- four columns and a picture -- to "What the New Army Expects of Its Chaplains," featuring advice from an army Chaplain of thirteen years, George J Waring. While the article itself was not terribly interesting itself, being comprised mostly of gentle, practical advice and lacking in the rhetoric ighlighted int he articles above, the amount of space devoted to it is worth noting, and so is the context which neccessitated its existence. The article claims that due to the large influx of troops from the draft, there will be a need for over 300 new army Chaplains, and outlines in brief the procedure for nomination and approval. This is a side of the new American amry not highlighted in any other source I have encountered, and it was interesting to see the issue addressed so fully in one of the nation's leading papers.

This completes my short survey of religiously-themed articles in the early months after the declaration of war. A consistent theme of patriotism and attention to the mental and spiritual state of the people is displayed in all. I will now briefly outline three more articles from the winter period, through the period was much less rich in mentions of religion. In fact, there was much less talk of religion even in those articles that were related to it.

A fitting first article from the winter period is one published on Dec. 16, 1917, which relates the return from the front of the Cornell University Y.M.C.A. Secretary, Charles W. Whitehair, and the messages he carried home. The article's headline and subtitle are worth noting: "'We'll Cut Hun Line,' Pershing's Mesage; Urges Y.M.C.A. Secretary to Combat Idea Here that German Army is Invincible; No Crumbling Over There; American Soldiers All Declare Themselves in to Stay. 'Till the Show is Over.' General Pershing asked Whitehair to deliver: "You must go back home and dispose of tha doctrine that we can't break through the German lines. We can break through with a human wedge, and we will. Tell everybody you meet of our determination to win." Whitehair himself is quoted saying, "That war is not making men brutes is certain. Instead, it is uplifting them." In discussing the semi-religious organzation's work in the American and French army camps he emphasizes their object of creating "a clean body and a pure heart in each individual soldier," and emphasizes the "value of home influence in army camps." The last implies charging the people "over here" with maintaing a spirit of optimism and patriotism, and that this is neccessary to win the war. He concludes, 

I want you to know just what the spirit of our troops in France is. All of the soldiers I talked with said, 'We want to go home, but not until the show is over.' There is less grumbling in the army over there than is heard on a university campus. In view of this spirit held by out fighters, nobody at home can begin to give one-half of what the boys over there are giving. We must support them, and our allies, Britain and France, who for three years fought our war.

The underlying rhetoric is one of solidarity and optimism, and we see the usual phrases: "over here," "over there," and, significantly, "our war." This last hearkens to many of the justifications used for entering the war and for convinving the people to support it -- it's a war for democracy, for humanitarianism, a war to end all wars -- our war. There is little mention of spirituality besides the Y.M.C.A's credo.

Another article published Dec. 23, 1917, announces the Christmas services to take place in the area and the music announced. Most interesting is the focus on patriotism: "patriotic entertainments" are mentioned in one of the subtitles, "prayers for victory" in an another one, an entire section is devoted to the fact that "Patriotic Music [is] to be Sung." Again, there is little mention of religious message or congregation policy outside that of solidarity and patriotism.

Finally, an article published on Mar 2, 1918, relates the visit of the Archbishop of York. What discussion of religous doctrine exists centers about the issues of prohbition and temperance. Besides this, the Archbishop pays his respects to President Wison, and tries to bolster faith in the war effort and frienship between Britain and America:

In our common struggle for the freedom and peace of the world we have to strive on to finish the work we are in, so that when it is done we will have made as sure as we can that no other generation will have to do it over again. For this nothing is more important than the cordial fellowship of these two nations.

Again a call for solidarity in the war effort, again little discussion of religion in the war itself. These are the prevailing themes in these articles, rather than the spirited practical and theoretical discussion in the earlier articles. By this time there is less freedom of speech, less open discussion of war policy, much less of policy towards the war. Perhaps such issues have been settled, perhaps the people's spritual needs have been taken care of. However, I would think that in the increasingly uncertain times, spiritual reassurance would be neccessary. Perhaps it was not discussed in the papers, space there being reserved for more important matters, for articles with messages of reassurance and hope rather than uncertainty. Eithery way, the difference is intruiging.

As a last note, I could not help adding a short article that pulls together three issues of interest during this time: race, religion, and women. Published on Jun 4, 1917, it is a short announcement of a series meetings under the auspices of the Women's Organization for the American Jewish Congress "to stimulate the interest of the Jewish women in the movement to obtain equal civic, political, and national rights for the Jews wherever they are now denied." Not much is said besides that short statement -- a list of meetings and speakers -- but I find this syzygy fascinating.